A look forward: Early policies for the federal election

Header image for Interrobang article Abolishing the Canadian Senate is an issue the NDP may raise during the next federal election.

As the 2015 federal election looms, Stephen Harper's chief competitors are sharpening their proverbial swords for battle. They're rolling out press conferences for the purpose of revealing their brightest and best policies that they hope will create enough public sentiment to put them in a position of contention against incumbent Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

NDP leader Thomas Mulcair is making the abolishment of the senate his one trick pony for the upcoming election on the heels of Liberal Party leader Justin Trudeau's comments about marijuana legalization. In light of the past and present (and, no doubt, future) scandals stemming from falsified expense claims, improper audits and RCMP investigations, the NDP leader thinks the time is ripe to do away with the Senate for good. Mulcair is touring the country to forward his cause while doing his best to emphasize what a decisive move it would be compared to the Conservative's inquiries into fixed terms and/or elected senators.

There aren't many issues that provide traction with the Canadian populace, so each candidate is desperately looking for an original one to claim as their own. The real decisions that affect the Canadian economy and unemployment, insurance, and mortgage rates are far beyond the comprehension of most Canadians, so politicians embrace simple and attractive policies that seem impossible to oppose.

Trudeau adopted the wedge issue of legalizing marijuana to gain support from the demographic that has historically been the least likely to vote, banking on the idea that an attractive enough platform could bring them out in droves. In fact according to Elections Canada, only 38.8 per cent of eligible 18- to 24-year-olds cast a ballot in the 2011 federal election compared to 75.1 per cent of eligible 65- to 74-year-olds. The fact that the voter turnout rate steadily increases with age (until it peaks in the 65 to 74 bracket) is not surprising if you think about it. The older the voter is, the more likely it becomes that they have a vested interest in the outcome of an election and that they're aware of it.

The risky aspect of wedge politics is that by appealing to a specific demographic, politicians risk alienating other demographics. Mulcair's policy risks alienating a population that isn't particularly interested or informed on the nuances of how the Canadian Senate works, while conversely Trudeau risks losing ground with older demographics more interested in cutting government spending and improving the Canadian Pension Plan.

The crucial point to remember is that these are early policies meant to test the waters of public opinion. If either Trudeau or Mulcair feel that their wedge issue may backfire, they'll hastily find another cause to champion. One of the criticisms leveled at Trudeau at this point in his campaign is that he lacks substance but the reality is he'd probably have it no other way. If any leader were to broadcast their official platform this far in advance of the election, it would be torn to shreds by the opposition before a single vote had been cast.

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